with me, with julian

5.14.2009

A watched frog never boils

Published by Li-Han under on 17:46
Banyan
A watched frog never boils

May 7th 2009
From The Economist print edition

Peace is breaking out across the Taiwan Strait. Presumably, that is good for Taiwan


LOCAL gloom holds sway, from Pakistan to North Korea, in so many corners of Banyan’s woods, and an economic pall hangs over nearly all. So it is nice to stumble into a sunlit clearing once in a while.

Taiwan is such a clearing, and the sunlight is its improving relationship with China. Ground-breaking recent agreements on cross-strait travel and investment promise profound consequences for Taiwan. And after a dozen failed attempts to join the World Health Organisation (WHO), Taiwan at last won China’s agreement to be invited to the WHO’s World Health Assembly this month, though merely as an observer.

President Ma Ying-jeou of the Kuomintang (KMT or Nationalist Party) has presided over the change. He came to office a year ago determined to alter the course of his predecessor, Chen Shui-bian of the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP). For eight years, Mr Chen aired his independence-minded views with increasing abandon. China seethed. It views Taiwan as the last unfinished bit of a civil war in which the Chinese Communist Party drove the KMT off the mainland in 1949. It promises war if Taiwan ever declares independence. The tensions were not all Mr Chen’s doing, since China rebuffed early overtures. Still, by the end of Mr Chen’s term, relations with the United States, Taiwan’s protector, were badly strained, too. It was conceivable that Taiwanese provocation might drag America into a conflict with China, dashing hopes of an Asia-led 21st century.

Mr Ma promised a more conciliatory line. The WHO breakthrough is being celebrated in Taiwan as proof it is paying off. This will be the first delegation to represent Taiwan at a UN event since the island lost its seat to China in 1971. Cross-strait relations are the stuff of debate and disagreement, but most Taiwanese see the deal as gaining the kind of “international space” which China has long sought to constrict. Perhaps China reckoned that obstructing Taiwan did nothing for the image China is polishing for itself as a responsible global power. And without its long-planned gesture, progress on cross-strait ties would be harder. China’s long-term strategy for Taiwan is sometimes likened to boiling a frog in water, over a flame so low the frog does not feel it. But first you have to get the frog to plop into the pan.

And so the cross-strait agreements may prove to be the more far-reaching for Taiwan. Direct flights will more than double, to 270 a week. The two sides agreed on a framework to allow financial firms to set up in each other’s country. And Taiwan agreed to open up to Chinese investment. Until now Taiwan, which has up to $400 billion invested in China, allowed almost nothing in return, citing national security. Now, both companies and fund-managers will be allowed in. Already, China Mobile’s purchase at the end of April of a 12% stake in a Taiwanese telecoms firm, Far EasTone, marks the first big mainland investment in Taiwan since 1949, a harbinger of much more to come (see article).

Of the two sides, Taiwan stands to gain hugely more from all this. Its strengths are in fields such as electronics, information technology and biotechnology. Even with Chinese involvement, these industries will stay in Taiwan, for they depend on decent regulation and copyright protection, both lacking on the mainland. Meanwhile, top Taiwanese brands will get readier access to China’s huge domestic market, so shielding Taiwan’s exports somewhat from the vagaries of the global economy. More mainland Chinese visitors, already running at 3,000 a day, will be a boost to flagging tourism. (Hoteliers report that groups first lock themselves in their rooms, to gawp gobsmacked at politicians being insulted on television chat shows.) Recently a pariah among foreign investors because of poor cross-strait relations, Taiwan has suddenly become the only bull-market story in town.

For some in Taiwan, notably in the DPP, the risks are only beginning as China puts the pan on the heat. Deeper economic integration, they say, will dangerously narrow Taiwan’s options as China moves towards the endgame of unification. Yet Mr Chen’s tenure undermined these arguments. His legacy is very nearly destroyed. Family members have admitted to venality, and Mr Chen himself sits in jail accused of graft and embezzlement. On May 5th prosecutors filed yet more charges of bribe-taking and influence-peddling. The sanctimony of the KMT, once one of the world’s most thuggish and corrupt political parties, but largely spared by the present judicial system, is grotesque. Yet Mr Chen and his approach are discredited, the DPP in tatters.


Enmeshing China too

So at least until 2012, the date of the next presidential election, Mr Ma and his colleagues will make the opposite case. The chairman of his Mainland Affairs Council, Lai Shin-yuan, says that economic integration will increase security by making Taiwan so valuable for China that it will think twice about jeopardising stability. Others argue that an unprovocative island more firmly enmeshed in the global economy will bring about greater American commitment. For now, the United States is delighted at the rapprochement, and at a Beijing-Taipei-Washington triangle that for once is pretty harmonious. Ms Lai promises a “diplomatic truce” with Beijing and an end to a costly (and losing) battle to win diplomatic recognition from tinpot countries. Nor, she says, will political showmanship play any part in Taiwan’s participation in the WHO assembly.

Mr Ma, as it happens, tapped Ms Lai from the pro-independence movement, a sign of the constraints on his policy. Even if he does harbour longings for a closer eventual union with China, its Communist rulers view the 58-year-old upstart as a liberal with ugly habits: advocating human rights and trimming his sails to suit the Taiwanese majority. For now, at least, the desire of that majority is, overwhelmingly, to keep Taiwan’s sovereign arrangements—independent in fact if not law—exactly as they are.

http://www.economist.com/world/asia/displaystory.cfm?story_id=13610749

5.12.2009

[轉載] 在斯德哥爾摩的廢墟之上 /2009-05-12 中國時報 丁允恭

Published by Li-Han under on 09:43
在斯德哥爾摩的廢墟之上

* 2009-05-12
* 中國時報
* 【丁允恭】

 那是一個斯德哥爾摩,沒錯,因為人人都得了斯德哥爾摩症候群,我們與綁架者共舞、高歌,在宴會的末了投票給他們,選出今晚的party’s king。一切像真的北國首都一樣,寒冷而歌舞昇平。

 而這個斯德哥爾摩卻沒有諾貝爾和平獎。回頭一看,我發現它變成了一座不毛的廢墟,竹籬笆上爬滿了長刺的藤蔓,刺著裡面也刺著外頭。

 都會傳奇

 1945年的台灣島上,有5732枝電線桿,上面一共釘了25276個水龍頭,最後當然沒有一個流出水來。2649個外省兵不解地看著,這個島上的水竟不能公平地給他們喝。

 「外省兵來台灣的時候,都買幾個水龍頭釘在電線桿上,以為這樣自來水就會流出來。」這出現在許多的口述歷史之中,甚至多到了已經不再是個人的經驗。我相信這應該是個真實事件,然而超越個體性地大量發生,經驗上實在難以想像。可是竟然從北到南,每個港口,每個人的阿公都至少有一個朋友,號稱親眼目睹了這項集體的愚行。

 這是當代的愚人魔幻傳奇。而還有後日譚,到了1947年,這些愚者又蛻變為鐵蹄的鎮壓者,於是夾雜著恨意,「水龍頭的故事」遂成為怨懟與詈罵的重要題材。

 大家各別發展著各自的Urban Legends,都會傳奇,比起單純的侮辱性詞彙,這些敘事要來的豐富而有厚度得多,偏見在其中也長得愈加茂密而生動。

 「國民政府撤退的時候,從大陸的中央銀行,運來上百噸的黃金,所以台灣後來就有了經濟奇蹟。」這是對立者的敘事與史觀,替大陸民族帶來壯闊的海洋橋段,神秘的黃金,搭乘著神秘的輪船,在神秘的碼頭卸貨,就像是某種海賊一樣,於是,「我們」再也不是海賊王國裡面的他者。

 有了這千古帝都搬出的寶藏,所謂進口替代,所謂美援,其實都是經濟史上面的虛構,這是屬於我們不可動搖的、北朝(鮮)式的主體神話。

 而放在這個島上,更重要的潛台詞,大概是:「『他們』就是欠『我們』。」

 「某某夫人晚上都會從輪椅上站起來,去跳迪斯可。」

 這種話則是最近幾年的產物。說是最近,其實也已經有十年以上了,從某夫人的丈夫,以政權可能取替者的超新星姿態崛起之時,就零零碎碎地流傳起來。而我第一次聽到還是從親戚的口中,十足驚駭,主要是駭於這種言論她竟然可以說得出口,還活靈活現,害我有種遺傳學上的羞辱感,於是大家在餐桌上就吵開了。

 多年以後,也是在家族聚會的餐桌上,我批評起一些人對往日理想的背離,幾個人同感地點起頭來,大表共識之意,然而我想他們對我「誤想的共識」,大概要比真正的共識來得多很多。

 「所以,你現在相信那位夫人會跳迪斯可了嗎?」那位親戚不死心地又問了,雖然我猜她自己其實也並不這樣相信。

 然而我已經懶得跟她爭執這個了。

 跟友人說

 致L君:

 要是你看過五月十一日人間副刊K君的文章,就會發現,其實那比較像個答辯狀,他不厭其煩地在為「高級」、「低級」、「本省」、「外省」作詞彙的解釋,然而這些解釋,就像你在法庭上習慣會看到的當事人陳詞一般,只不過是揣摩審判者的心證,所做的自圓其說,遠不如行為現場留下的 Exhibition A。

 不知道他是刻意避重就輕,還是純粹地無知,他的問題不是在高級或是外省人,整個社會也不是。

 在太平洋對側的你,應該可以簡單理解這樣的例子:在抽離語用的背景以後,單就字面、字義的層次,「北佬(Yankee)」與「黑鬼(Nigger)」這兩個詞彙,實在很難說哪個比較糟糕,雖然在發生學上,都是用來嘲弄乃至於貶損的詞彙。你使用「黑鬼」,不是討一頓打,就是吃上官司;而講「北佬」則似乎完全不會如此,至少肯定的是,他們還用這個當作棒球隊的名字,裡面還豢養了我們的國民希望,而他不是北佬更不是白佬。

 「黑鬼」這樣的稱呼,強迫被稱呼者逼視他的劣勢處境,去提醒他那樣一個實際上的政治與經濟壓迫關係是存在的;而外國人呼起「北佬」時,當然存在著譏誚消遣之意,可是卻少有人在被如此稱呼時,認真地感受到被侮辱或是被歧視了。這也只是因為被稱呼者,並沒有立足在一個真正不利的境地。不去解消這一組緊張關係,則無論名稱如何改換,本質上的弱勢並沒有轉變。

 「台客」這樣的稱呼,過去造成的種種不快,絕對不是因為這兩個字本身,台客究竟台不台,也不是重點,而是因為它指涉到的,是某種教育程度或經濟資源上的弱勢,或某種破敗鄉村與城市底層的文化,故彼時「台客」才會成為一個具歧視性的用語。

 而現在政治地位的翻轉平衡,原本「台客」所指向的荒蕪已經消失了,所以這個語詞就不再是塊禁地,我們可以在上面栽植種種新的花蕊,並交雜出新的文化色彩。相對的,K某囈語的「高級外省人」,其實只是一種註定要失敗的、可笑的反撲,而在不致於受到真正嚴厲制裁的環境裡面,連壯烈也稱不上。

 K某的另一個爭議,在於「台巴子」、「鬼島」之上。從台客到台巴子,則是另外一組論述。變化的不是客體,而是發言的主體。過去在島上壓制的那個主體崩解了,而另一個在島外的壓制主體逐漸崛起,台巴子一詞更體現崛起者的趾高氣昂,K某則選擇採用那個「大國之眼」。一個人不愛他的國家可以是一件小事,然而去認同的是什麼樣的東西,則相當值得評價。

 其實,K某所鼓吹的「鎮反肅反很多年」,對戰爭的開門相迎(無論你認為那是內戰還是外戰)等等言論,才是最不堪的部份,他對此則未置一詞,選擇把最幽暗的地方留給了幽暗。

 我略知村子一二

 土城眷村的夜晚也曾經是那樣幽暗,而我以為那就是一般概念中的「鄉下」,每次要去外婆家,我們都說要回鄉下去。而我其實一點都不愛去。

 小時候可能是某種強迫症,我畏懼皮面破掉露出棉花的椅子、有龜裂剝落的水泥牆面,以及殘有黃黑糞跡的舊馬桶。而不幸的,這些東西在外婆家全部都有。即使其實並沒有什麼味道,我也總覺得那邊蒸騰著腐敗的氣體。

 每次回去的時候,都是冷濕的過年期間,往村子裡走的狹窄道路上,水溝邊側有許多被雨水泡爛的鞭炮殘渣,看起來就像是糞便一般,而更不幸的是竟然還真的有不少糞便參雜其間。於是,我就更不愛回去了。

 不下雨的時候,大家都在村子裡的籃球場曬衣服。籃球場旁邊紅磚牆漆有幾個藍色的圓圈,一個圓圈裡面有一個白色的大字,組起來是反共的標語,詳細的內容倒是無從記憶了。那邊也是小舅帶我們放鞭炮的地方,我們放完鞭炮以後,那些殘渣隔天遇雨又會變成土色糞狀的東西。回村子裡過年,對我來說就是這種週而復始的循環。

 其實外婆家,是中校眷舍,理論上合該是村子裡相當可居的了,但在外公過世以後,家庭階級浮沉,連母親都去工廠作女工了。再怎麼失修,理論上應該可以找出破落以前比人家好一點的所在,可我好好地回想了一下,實在還是想不出來。

 據母親說,那個八○年代的女星□□□,也是出身自這個土城的海軍眷村,她本名叫作□□,進了演藝圈才拿掉一個字,改叫□□的,因為之前已經有個藝名取叫□□的。

 而無論□□還是□□□們,以紅衣為誌的運動大起的時候,在電視上,都看到她們從海外返台(對她們來說或者是「返華」才對?)的新聞,一個興奮地搖著青天白日滿地紅,另一個說要趕快去捐一百塊。從那個時間點起,我就覺得那個運動必然劣化失敗。發起運動的小鬍子先生,被這群當年莫名其妙恨他入骨的群眾們,現在莫名其妙地簇擁起來,往著消費主義、褊狹地域主義和對舊時代鄉愁的方向前進。

 「你們不認同這場以反貪為名的運動,為什麼?」某U報的記者問。

 又一村

 另一個我更加不熟悉的村子。2000年的選舉,我帶著一些更年輕的朋友,到這裡來發傳單。說村子或許太具有田園似的想像了,其實是改建過後連棟成叢的公寓大樓,一樓沒有住戶,都是架空相通的騎樓。

 當我們通過甬道似的騎樓下,跟村子外面彷彿一般的下棋的、聽著收音機的、在涼椅上乘涼的,拿到我們的傳單以後,都崩地一下跳了起來。

 中年男子們對著我們咆哮:

 「沒有蔣總統,你們早就沒了。」(而最近久違的蔣總統又回來了。)

 「小台獨,你們不怕打仗嗎?」(但不知道看到K某期待戰爭的文章,他們是否也會這樣質問他?)

 有的人還作勢要打,其實只是舉個手而已,但是足夠嚇到大學生們了。算一算每個人發不到兩三張,就狼狽地跑掉了。

 在我們逃出騎樓、踏出大門口之際,他們競相放起鞭炮來,一開始還以為我們竟然有那麼被討厭,宛如驅邪。回過頭去再仔細看,原來是另外兩組候選人的車隊來了,在村子裡各有大批的支持班底,彼此較勁起來。我們所推薦的選項,對他們而言,與其說是多麼地厭惡,更多的是不可思議,理所當然地不該在視野裡面。

 與綁架者共舞、高歌

 這個村子,和那個村子,都是反相的巴別塔,各種方言就像智齒一般,隨著牙醫技術的進步,一代比一代更徹底地從的口腔裡被拔除了,如今只剩下一種腔調。而言說的內容亦同。

 村子裡的人沒想過要「講媽媽(爸爸、爺爺、奶奶)的話」,也忘記跟村外頭一樣,曾經有那麼多父老作過政治犯,就在□□□所興奮地搖晃的那一支旗子的統治底下。他們誤以為那面旗子是他們的光榮,那個關著大家的老監牢,是他們鄉愁的避難所。偶爾有走出來的人,卻又走不回去,非得要用更惡毒的話語來證明覺醒,難以同時認同村子,又認同村子所賴以繫足的土地。

 我們的國家在民主化以後,許多不是共犯的人,卻被奇特的敘事綑綁,而加入了過去綁架的共犯。然後另外一群掙脫了的受害者們,卻也不那麼樂意回過頭來耐著性幫往日的難友鬆綁。於是,受害者與受害者展開了戰爭。

 是什麼東西在綑綁?是「高級」的想像,還是對於「水龍頭」這一類故事的憤怨?總之是牢牢的綁著,一時難分難解。

 那是一個斯德哥爾摩,沒錯,因為人人都得了斯德哥爾摩症候群,我們與綁架者共舞、高歌,在宴會的末了投票給他們,選出今晚的party’s king。一切像真的北國首都一樣,寒冷而歌舞昇平。

 而這個斯德哥爾摩卻沒有諾貝爾和平獎。回頭一看,我發現它變成了一座不毛的廢墟,竹籬笆上爬滿了長刺的藤蔓,刺著裡面也刺著外頭。

http://0rz.tw/qmsFq

5.08.2009

初衷

Published by Li-Han under on 16:46
寄件者 20090501_北海岸淺水灣



回到初衷

Happy Everyday

5.04.2009

孟春

Published by Li-Han under on 10:21


南國北都

孟春雨細紛

風微息新

薄雲透日衫漸輕